Nizhoni Ranch News

Are Contemporary Navajo Rugs Different than Historic or Antique Navajo Rugs?

There are more similarities than differences when it comes to historic or vintage antique Navajo rugs, or contemporary newer Navajo rugs.

In fact, both maintain their authenticity because they use the same traditional weaving methods.

A few examples of these Navajo weaving methods are:

• Using sheep's wool. Many times handspun wool.
• An upright loom with a continuous warp thread. A key differentiator.
• Natural traditional dyes. Culturally authentic materials.

This is the same, exclusive Navajo weaving methodology used throughout history. (Click here for Historic Navajo Rugs..)

Thankfully, contemporary Navajo weaving is a true continuation of this beautiful historic art form. Contemporary Navajo weavers also combine historic styles and traditional designs with their own patterns, colors and flair.

And so continues the old WITH the new! The Next Phase.

Click here to skip to contemporary Navajo rugs for sale..

Tree of Life Explained

History of Tree of Life Rugs
The Tree of Life Navajo Rug, often referred to as the Cosmic Tree.

Since their early days of the late 1800s, these weavings have often portrayed pictures of a wedding basket with a corn stalk springing forth, birds, and rainbow bars. These pictures are meant to represent progression and movement within life, as well as the connections between the Navajo, the Earth, and the Universe. 

Important Symbolism
Known for their remarkable beauty and iconic images, the fact remains that even today the Tree of Life rug design remains a meaningful symbol to the Navajo people. It’s so important, in fact, that they’ve even been the inspiration behind SandPaintings  and other artistic endeavors. A wonderful choice for celebrating the natural world and helping people reconnect and harmonize with nature, the Tree of Life is admired for its scenic designs and it’s fresh world perspective.  From the Navajo ceremonial perspective; the Blue birds are considered the messengers to the gods and rainbows represent life and all things good.

Pictorial Style
Weavers today still value what the Tree of Life rug represents and enjoy being able to share their creativity and imagination with bold colors, flourishing style and contemporary weaving. If you’re looking for a rug styling that’s not only breathtakingly gorgeous, but signifies an important tie between the Navajo and the world around them, then the Tree of Life rugs may just help you find your own connection with the world. 

Foes of Evil: The Navajo Myth of Twins Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water

By: Aleksa Vuckovic, 8-10-2024

The Native American tribes boast a very complex and thought-provoking set of beliefs and traditions, in which the legend of heroic twin brothers is often shared and found in many tribes.
In the myths of the Navajo tribe, these twins are known as Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water, and are central figures in the tribe’s mythology, embodying themes of bravery, protection, and the struggle against evil. Their story is not just a tale of heroism but a complex set of cultural beliefs, values, and the enduring relationship between the Navajo people and their environment.

The tale of Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water begins with their mother, Changing Woman (Asdzą́ą́ Nádleehi), one of the most revered deities in Navajo mythology.  Changing Woman represents life, fertility, and transformation. According to the myths, she conceived the twins with the Sun, who gave her two pieces of turquoise and abalone shell, which transformed into the twins. The Changing Woman raised her sons on Gobernador Knob, a Navajo sacred mountain, where they learned about their divine heritage and the destiny that awaited them.

As they grew older, Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water became aware of the many monsters that plagued their people. These monsters were the personification of chaos and danger in the world. Determined to rid their land of these threats, the twins embarked on a perilous journey to the Sun's house to seek guidance and weapons. Their journey was fraught with challenges, including crossing a vast desert and overcoming numerous obstacles that tested their courage and resolve.

Warriors of the Sun

Each battle was not only a physical confrontation but also a spiritual one. The twins relied on their wit, bravery, and the teachings of their mother and father. They invoked prayers and rituals to ensure their success, highlighting the deep connection between their physical prowess and their spiritual strength.

We can quickly understand that the story of Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water is more than an epic adventure; it is a cornerstone of Navajo cultural identity. The twins symbolize the triumph of good over evil, the importance of bravery, and the necessity of working together for the greater good. Their tale is recounted in various ceremonies and rituals, serving as a reminder of the values that underpin Navajo society.

One of the most significant ceremonies associated with the twins is the Enemy Way (Anaaʼjí). This healing ceremony is performed to restore balance and harmony for individuals who have been in conflict or war. The stories of the twins are recited during the ceremony, emphasizing their role as protectors and healers. The twins’ journey and victories also serve as metaphors for overcoming personal and communal challenges.

In contemporary Navajo culture, the story of Monster Slayer and Born-For-Water continues to be a source of inspiration. Their legacy is preserved through oral traditions, storytelling, and art. Navajo artists often depict the twins in paintings, sculptures, and jewelry, each piece capturing the essence of their heroism and spiritual significance. What is more, their story resonates beyond the Navajo Nation, offering universal themes of courage, resilience, and the fight against adversity. Scholars and enthusiasts of Native American mythology study the twins’ tale to gain deeper insights into the rich cultural heritage of the Navajo people.

Antiques Roadshow and Chief Blanket Phases

BY Dennis Gaffney   |   POSTED 02.16.2007   |  UPDATED 01.25.2021

At the Tucson ANTIQUES ROADSHOW in summer 2006, appraiser Douglas Deihl, of Skinner in Boston, Massachusetts, examined an antique Navajo blanket, probably woven in the 1870s, that was colored with indigo blues and a variety of reds. "Stylistically," Douglas told the woman who owned the blanket, "this is called a Navajo third-phase chief's blanket." 

To unpack that phrase — "third-phase chief's blanket" — we contacted Tyrone Campbell, who has written books about Navajo weavings and is a dealer of antique Navajo and Pueblo weavings in Scottsdale, Arizona. Campbell explained the phrase and provided a cultural history of the Navajo blanket. Here's what we learned:

In the middle of the 17th century, the Navajo had begun sheep herding and making their own wool, skills they picked up from the Spanish settlers. By the late 17th century, they learned to weave from their neighbors, the Pueblo. The weaving skills of the Navajo craftswomen surpassed those of the Spanish and the Pueblo craftsmen within just a few decades, and Navajo blankets became a prized possession desired by the wealthier Indians and Spanish throughout the West.

"These were worn by the Navajos," Campbell says, "but they were also commercial items that were traded to the Sioux, the Cheyenne, and the Ute." They were prized, in part, because they served as coats by day and blankets by night and were far lighter than buffalo skins. The Navajo wove the blankets so tightly that they were "practically waterproof," notes Campbell.

The blankets were also valued for their beauty, and an important Indian would wear a blanket proudly as a ceremonial wrap on special occasions. They were commonly called "chief's blankets" by Indians and traders — and are still referred to by that name — because they were so expensive that only chiefs or other wealthy individuals could afford them.

To put it in perspective, Campbell says that in 1860, to buy such a blanket would have cost between $100 and $150. "Guys are making $5 a week if they're lucky, about half that if they're 'blue-collar,'" Campbell says. "So that's a year's wages for most men. You could buy a house for $200."

First Phase

This first-phase chief's blanket from the Tucson ANTIQUES ROADSHOW in 2002 was valued at between $350,000 and $500,000.

Until about the 1820s, the Navajo made simple striped blankets identical to the Pueblo. Then Navajo weavers began making what cultural historians call the "first-phase chief's blankets." The design for these is the simplest of all the Navajo 19th-century blankets, consisting of brown, blue, and white bands and stripes. These blankets, which the Ute Indians prized (hence the reference to them as Ute-style) are most valued by Navajo blanket collectors today, in large part because of their rarity. Less than 50 of these first-phase blankets, made until roughly 1865, survive. In 2002, an unsuspecting owner of a first-phase Navajo blanket found out at the Tucson ANTIQUES ROADSHOW that his blanket was worth between $350,000 and $500,000.

Second and Third Phases

In about 1850, Navajo weavers began adding red rectangles to their blanket designs, which cultural historians use as a marker for "second-phase chief's blankets," which were made until about 1880. "They always have 12 rectangles, grouped in twos," Campbell says. "In the third phase, they went to nine diamonds and half-diamonds." As these design elements were added, they grew larger, becoming more centerpieces of the blankets than embellishments. During the third phase, Navajo weavers also added elements inside the diamonds, including, Campbell says, "zigzags, crosses, thin lines, stacked elements, and triangles."

At the beginning of the second phase, the weavers had also started expanding their color palette, adding yellow and green accents, for example. But one of the colors the Navajo weavers coveted most was the red from the prized bayeta cloth made in England and later, in Spain and Mexico. They would unravel the cloths and then weave the material into rectangles on their blankets. The bayeta, occasionally used in first-phase blankets, became a color and cloth that Navajo weavers used prominently in the second phase. The bayeta was dyed with cochineal, named after the cochineal beetle. "It came in rich shades from rose to deep burgundy and it's permanent," Campbell says. "There's no plant in the Southwest that will give you such an intense red that won't fade."

These three phases composed what is called the Classical period of Navajo blankets, which ended with the arrival of the railroad to the Southwest after 1880. "Cheap manufactured blankets arrived," Tyrone says. "If a Navajo blanket cost $100, one made by Pendleton" — a mill in Pendleton, Oregon, that manufactured blankets for Indians — "cost you $3. The market was killed," Campbell added. "In order to cater to the ever-greater number of tourists, the Navajo began making rugs."

A Fourth Phase?

In the summer of 2020, in anticipation of Deihl’s appraisal re-airing the following winter for a Vintage episode, the ROADSHOW team was researching the three phases of Navajo chief blankets and came across an article that spoke of something unfamiliar: a fourth phase blanket.

According to a 2013 article by Cannon Road Arts, a Santa Fe lifestyle and cultural center, “The fourth phase chiefs’ blankets, occurring generally after 1870 through the early 1900s, take the diamonds to an extreme with the background becoming much less important and the diamonds becoming the main focal element.”

This got the ROADSHOW team wondering, “Why do our appraisers only refer to first, second, and third phase chief's blankets during appraisals?" In August 2020, we reached out to longtime Tribal Arts appraisers Doug Deihl and John Buxton to clarify. Both experts agreed that the terms “fourth phase” and “third phase variant” are used synonymously, but “third phase variant” is more favored by most experts.

Buxton explained, “In my judgment, the term “third phase variant” or “fourth phase” are used somewhat interchangeably. Navajo classic first, second, and third phases were made as wearing blankets and not for sale to visitors from the East. As we get into the latter part of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, we enter the transitional period where you see both wearing blankets and rugs made. By 1900, you begin to see the major impact of the trading posts located throughout the Navajo reservation, as commercialism is in full swing. You do see experimentation with designs, dyes, and techniques. The third phase was a very popular design that created interest for many different variations, hence the term “third phase variant.”

Deihl agreed, adding, “Very few people use the term 'fourth phase' to describe what is more commonly called a third phase variant blanket or rug.”

Watch:  Best Moment: Navajo Ute First Phase Blanket, ca. 1850 | Tearjerkers | ANTIQUES ROADSHOW | PBS

History of the Tree Of Life

History of Tree of Life Rugs
The Tree of Life Navajo Rug, often referred to as the Cosmic Tree.

Since their early days of the late 1800s, these weavings have often portrayed pictures of a wedding basket with a corn stalk springing forth, birds, and rainbow bars. These pictures are meant to represent progression and movement within life, as well as the connections between the Navajo, the Earth, and the Universe. 

Important Symbolism
Known for their remarkable beauty and iconic images, the fact remains that even today the Tree of Life rug design remains a meaningful symbol to the Navajo people. It’s so important, in fact, that they’ve even been the inspiration behind SandPaintings  and other artistic endeavors. A wonderful choice for celebrating the natural world and helping people reconnect and harmonize with nature, the Tree of Life is admired for its scenic designs and it’s fresh world perspective.  From the Navajo ceremonial perspective; the Blue birds are considered the messengers to the gods and rainbows represent life and all things good.

Pictorial Style
Weavers today still value what the Tree of Life rug represents and enjoy being able to share their creativity and imagination with bold colors, flourishing style and contemporary weaving. If you’re looking for a rug styling that’s not only breathtakingly gorgeous, but signifies an important tie between the Navajo and the world around them, then the Tree of Life rugs may just help you find your own connection with the world. 

Churro Sheep History

The Churro breed of sheep was introduced into the Rio Grande Valley by the Spaniards around 16th century and were obtained by the Navajos through raiding and trading.  The lustrous fibers of Churro Wool are long and straight with a very low lanolin content, making them ideal for the limited hand methods of Navajo weaving.  If you were to look at the Churro wool fiber under a microscope, it is actually translucent.  

For the Navajo weaver, historically one of the best parts of using Churro wool was less work to raise the sheep and prepare the wool.   The Churro Sheep are very hardy and well adapted to the harsh dry conditions under which the Navajo live and the low lanolin content means very clean wool (not a lot of water or time used to clean it).  The historic superiority of weavings produced from the wool of Churro sheep is very apparent in the blankets that have survived through time.  

The common Diné (Navajo) word for the breed, Dibé dits’ozí, means "long fleeced sheep." T’áá Dibé is also occasionally used, meaning "first sheep. The churro is important to Diné subsistence and culture.

The Spanish Churra (renamed Churro by American frontiersmen) was first imported to North America in 1598 by Juan de Oñate, a conquistador who established the colony of New Mexico for Spain.  He used Churro Sheep to feed Spanish armies and settlers.  By the 17th century, Churros were popular with the Spanish settlers in the upper Rio Grande Valley.  The Churro soon became an important part of the Diné economy and culture.  The Navajo bred sheep to adapt to a pastoral lifestyle in a harsh desert environment.

During the Navajo Wars, American soldier Kit Carson instructed his troops to destroy Navajo crops and kill their livestock, including the Churro sheep, in 1863. They killed thousands of sheep. Some small clusters in remote canyons survived the attack. The entire Navajo nation was then forced to march to a reservation. The Navajo nation and the US government signed Treaty of Bosque Redondo in 1868, allowing the Navajo to return to their homeland. As part of the agreement, the US government provided sheep to the  Navajo; however, these breeds were unfamiliar and contaminated the Churro sheep line.

In the 1930s, the US government implemented the Navajo Livestock Reduction, intended to reduce the amount of sheep and horses on Diné lands. Tens of thousands of Churro sheep were slaughtered, and their numbers dwindled.  The Livestock Conservancy estimated that less than 450 Churros remained by the 1970s. This reduction of the flocks drove many Diné ranchers into poverty. Many Diné who had traditionally lived off of the land and agriculture turned to wage work.

Restoration of the breed began in the 1970s when breeders began acquiring Churro phenotypes with the purpose of preserving the breed and revitalizing Diné and Hispanic flocks. The Navajo Sheep Project, headed by Lyle McNeal, was the first organization to start a breeding program.

While the Navajo-Churro breed is no longer in danger of extinction, it is still considered a rare breed. There were over 8,000 head of Navajo-Churro sheep in 2022.

Cultural role

Diné weavers have used Churro wool to make rugs, wall hangings, and other products since the late 1600s.  The sheep naturally produce wool in fourteen colors, so weavers can produce complex colorwork without needing to dye the wool. The yarn produced from the wool is durable, coarse, and non-pilling.  Many Diné through the early 20th century made their livelihood in farming and ranching. Woven products, such as rugs and blankets, were and continue to be important exports.

Carding wool, spinning yarn, and weaving are traditionally women's work among the Diné. As such, flocks of sheep traditionally belonged to women and were passed from a mother to her children. Children learned to tend the sheep at a young age.

The specific Churro breed, as opposed to sheep in general, is an important part of Diné cultural identity. Elders in particular remembered the Churro flocks from the early 20th century. Some were overjoyed to see the revitalization from the 1970s onward:

I said, "Why are you crying for grandpa?" He said, "It's been a long time since I've seen these sheep. I'm so happy that they're here again."

Excerpted from an article printed in the June issue of Phoenix 2016 Home and Garden.

The Churro breed of sheep were introduced by the Spaniards in the mid 1500’s upon their discovery and colonization of the “New World”. Having originated in the mountainous regions of southern Spain, they were well adapted to the arid and poor forage conditions of this new environment. Twice on the brink of extinction, this hardy breed of sheep endures. In 1863, the Kit Carson/U.S. Military campaign to incarcerate the Navajo people and destroy their economy {the sheep} was successful in rounding up about half of the population, taking them to Bosque Redondo and killing a large percentage of their sheep. The escaping Navajo went into hiding with the remnants of their flocks. Upon returning from “The Long Walk”, they were issued new breeds of sheep, which for the most part replaced the Churro wool in their weaving. Some weaver’s preference for their “old wool” persisted, and many managed to rebuild their Churro flocks. Later, in the 1930’s, Congress enacted the Taylor Grazing Act; tens of thousands of sheep were killed. This federally enforced stock reduction program was the result of overgrazing and the severe drought conditions of the dust bowl era. Still a few bands of Churro survived, secreted away in the remote canyons of Navajo land.

Navajo weavers first used Churro wool during the classic period of Navajo weaving (1700-1863). The superior quality of these weavings is very evident in the blankets that have survived through time. The lustrous fibers of the wool were long and straight, ideal for the limited hand methods of Navajo weaving. Also, the low lanolin content reduced the necessity for extensive cleaning in a land of little water.

In recent years, the efforts of a few dedicated breeders have revived the Churro genetics and fleece quality. However, the circle was not complete, as the wool wasn’t getting into the hands of Navajo weavers. The most successful effort to reintroduce Churro wool to the Navajo loom was accomplished by native Arizonan, Steve Getzwiller. He set out to revive some of the older design elements as well as some rare and natural dyes. The reintroduction of Churro wool brought those lustrous qualities back to the finished weavings, completing the circle and reconnecting some of the weavers with their past. “The Navajo Churro Collection” was born.

History of the Getzwiller Exclusive Navajo Churro Collection

In the 1990s the quality and uniqueness of Navajo weavings was on the decline.  Steve met with an old friend, Ray Dewey, in Santa Fe and they discussed how the quality of Navajo weavings could be improved.  The answer was improve the quality of the wool and dyes.

For hundreds of years Churro sheep have been the center of Navajo life.  Navajo churro wool was the first weaving wool of the Navajo Nation because of its low lanolin content, long staple and translucent qualities.  Unfortunately the churro sheep were nearly exterminated by outside forces.  

In the Getzwiller Historic Textile (GHT) collection exists beautiful pieces that are 100 years old, woven with Churro wool.  Which confirms churro wool is the best and only becomes better with time.  This conclusion planted the seed with Steve to bring Navajo churro wool back to the loom.  

Steve was able to find the source of the Navajo Churro Registry where the genetics were being perfected for a better fleece.

Next, Steve found dye artists to dye the wool by hand for what would later be called the 'Navajo Churro Collection'.  Though it seems like a simple thing, this took several years to put together. The final step was finding the best weavers on the Nation who were willing to use the Churro wool. The weavers were thrilled with the wool and loved the new colors (Indigo, Cochineal and the highest quality dyes from Switzerland). With that, the Navajo Churro Collection was born.

The result of this project is history making in itself. For one thing the Navajo Churro Sheep are no longer on the endangered species list. Some of the very best master weavers of the Navajo nation are able to work on projects in the Navajo Churro Collection that they otherwise would not be able to do. They are given the very best wool which is hand dyed and custom spun ready for them to weave on their loom; the Nizhoni Ranch Gallery supports them through the weaving process even if it takes years for them to complete. A registry is kept of each weaving documenting the weaver, a photo of her, and the weaving. It is very important that in 100 years from now, the weavers will be recognized for their work.

The Navajo Churro Collection Weaving project is playing a part in preserving the Navajo weaving art in the Navajo culture. The Navajo Churro Collection celebrates the Navajo weavers and the art of the loom. The Nizhoni Ranch Gallery exclusively offers these weavings to the world, which represent some of the finest Navajo weavings ever made. Steve and Gail will continue their work and hope that one of the benefits of this project will be for young Navajos to take up this very difficult and beautiful art form, as it is a legacy well worth preserving.

Today “The Navajo Churro Collection” is a premier collection of contemporary Navajo Weavings, which are exclusively commissioned by Steve, from the Churro wool he provides to some of the most capable Navajo-weaving artists of today.  The fleece of this registered line of Churro sheep is of the highest quality available.  All of the wool is completely hand washed and custom spun.  The dyes utilized consist of natural vegetal dyes and the finest Swiss aniline dyes.  All colors are dyed by hand in small batches to achieve the highest grade of variegated reach hues.  The natural wool colors are also custom spun to create rich and variegated grays, browns, and tans.

Navajo Churro Master Weavers, (L to R) Elsie Bia, Gloria Hardy and Cara Yazzie

2025 Gallup Inter-Tribal Indian Ceremonial Winners!

We are so happy and proud of our weavers this year.  Eight out of ten weavers we entered won prizes!  Congratulations!

From our entries the weavers brought home:

The Steve Getzwiller Memorial Award

2 - Best of Category

6 - 1st Place Blue Ribbons

6 -  2nd Place Red Ribbons

Award Winners - 2025 Gallup Inter-Tribal Indian Ceremonial

Teec Nos Pos Navajo Rug: Cecelia Nez : Churro 1765 :
47" x 64" (3'11" x 5'4") : SOLD

Awards: 1st Place (145) and the Steve Getzwiller Memorial Award

Burntwater Navajo Rug : Elsie Bia : Churro 1779 :
50" x 72" (4'2" x 6')  : $ 9000 : SOLD
Awards : Best of Category and 1st Place (132)

1st Phase Navajo Chief Blanket : Jalucie Marianito : Churro 1740 :
50" x 60" (4'2" x 5') : $ 14,500
Award : 1st Place (143)

 

Tree of Life : Selena Yazzie : Churro 1772 :
35" x49" (2'11" x 3'3") : $ 7,500: SOLD
Award : 1st Place (161)

Innovative Design Navajo Rug : Ava Tommie : Churro 1737 :
9" x 14" (1' x 1') : $750
Award : 1st Place (196)

 

Three Turkey Ruin Navajo Rug : Helen Bia : Churro 1755 :
37" x 62" (3'1" x 5'2") : $ 8,000
Award : 2nd Place (122)

 

Ganado Navajo Rug : Elsie Bia : Churro 1762 :
41" x 60" (3'5" x 5') : $ 9,000

2nd Place (143)

 

Two Grey Hills Variant Navajo Rug : Irene Bia : Churro 1766 : 42" x 66" (3'6" x 5'6") : $ 9,000
Award : 2nd Place (112)

Storm Navajo Rug : Geraldine Phillips : Churro 1767 :
42" x 73" (3'6" x 6'1") : $ 9,000
Award : 2nd Place (148)

 

 

Two Grey Hill Navajo Rug : Gloria Bia : Churro 1778 :
29" x 34" (2'5" x 2'10") : $ 3,500
Award : 2nd Place (101)

In-depth Descriptions of Navajo Rug Styles

There are more than 21 styles of Navajo design styles.  In most cases they are based on specific designs from certain areas of the Navajo Nation.  

Bistie

Burntwater

Chief's Blankets

Child's Blankets

 

Chinle

Crystal

 

Eye Dazzler 

 

Ganado - Klagetoh

Germantown

 

JB Moore

Moki

 

Optical

Pictorial

 

Pine Springs

 

Raised Outline

 

Red Mesa

Saddle Blankets

Sandpaintings

 

SERAPE

Storm Pattern

 

Teec Nos Pos Weavings

 

Transitional

 

Tree Of Life

Twill Weavings

Two Grey Hills

Wide Ruins

 

Yei / Yei Be Chei

Miniature

 

Moki

Optical

Pictorial

 

Pine Springs

 

Raised Outline

 

Red Mesa

Saddle Blankets

Sandpaintings

 

SERAPE

Storm Pattern

 

Teec Nos Pos Weavings

 

Transitional

 

Tree Of Life

Twill Weavings

Two Grey Hills

Wide Ruins

 

Yei / Yei Be Chei

The Schoch First Phase Chief’s Blanket - By John O'Hern

Whirling Log or Swastika?

JB Moore Crystal with Whirling logs.  Circa 1910-1920

The Whirling Log or sometimes referred to as a "falling log" or "swirling log",  goes back thousands of years in human culture.  One of the oldest symbols made by humans, the Whirling Log dates back some 6,000 years.  Scholars generally agree it originated in India. 

In the Navajo culture the Whirling Log, represents part of their creation story, well being, good luck and protection.  The Whirling Log is often confused with the swastika due to their similar appearance.  The Whirling long is square and rotates where as the swastika is diamond shaped and angled symbol.

                  Navajo Whirling Log                                          Nazi swastika

The Whirling Log symbol in Navajo culture comes from the tale of the Whirling Log.

 The Whirling Log Tale - part of the Navajo creation story

Below is a simple rendition of the story.

The hero in the story is an outcast from his people.  He decides to leave and sets out on a long journey to seek peace and security.  At first the 4 Gods try to persuade him against going, but seeing his determination, they help him hollow out a log in which he travels down the river. 

Along the way he has many misadventures which ultimately result in his gaining important ceremonial knowledge. In one such instance he and his craft encounter a whirlpool, hence "whirling Log" and is captured by the Water People who carry him down beneath the water to the home of Water Monster. Black God threatens to set fire to Water Monster's home and the hero is released, but not before being taught by Frog how to cure the illnesses caused by the Water People.

When he finally reaches the lake that is his destination, the gods catch his log and help him to shore. Wandering about on land the hero comes upon a whirling cross with two Yeis (Holy People) seated on each end. From them he learns the knowledge of farming and is given seeds. He then returns home to his people to share these gifts.

Until the late 1800s, when J. Lorenzo Hubbell and J.B. Moore opened their trading posts in Arizona and New Mexico, Navajos portrayed the Whirling Log solely in their religious ceremonies in the form of sand paintings. But by 1896, with prodding by Hubbell and Moore, the symbol proliferated on Navajo rugs.  

In 1940, in response to Hitler's regime, the Navajo, Papago, Apache and Hopi people signed a whirling log proclamation. It read, "Because the above ornament, which has been a symbol of friendship among our forefathers for many centuries, has been desecrated recently by another nation of peoples, therefore it is resolved that henceforth from this date on and forever more our tribes renounce the use of the emblem commonly known today as the swastika . . . on our blankets, baskets, art objects, sand paintings and clothing." 

Navajo Sandpainting Weavings

The 'Navajo Sandpainting Weaving'
Preserves Tradition and Ceremony

The Navajo Sandpainting Weaving is ranked among the Navajo tribe's best known and best loved art forms. The original Navajo dry painting is traditionally performed for religious or medicinal purposes; it is a sacred practice. Sandpaintings are used in ceremonies designed to summon supernatural forces, they represent the Navajo's religious world and are customarily part of ceremonies that will heal and restore a patient that is out of balance.

The Navajo Sandpainting Textiles: an artform that owes it's existence to weaver, artist, and Medicine Man,  Hosteen Klah (also spelled Hasteen, Hastiin).  From Native American Roots.net:  

In the 1880s, Klah began to learn weaving from his mother and from his sister. He first began to learn the Navajo medicine ways – chanting and sandpainting – from his uncle. In learning the Nightway ceremony, Klah worked under the guidance of Laughing Singer and Tall Chanter. While most Navajo singers can master only one or two complete chants, Klah mastered at least eight. Among the ceremonies which he mastered were the Hailway, the Mountainway, the Nightway, the Windway, and the Chiricahua.

Among the Navajo, the purpose of the chant is to cure the sick. For the chant to work, it must be repeated exactly by the singer. Learning a chant takes a considerable amount of intellectual work: each one is like memorizing hundreds of lines of song or poetry. When a singer contracts to perform a ceremony, he undertakes a great deal of responsibility for not only the patient, but also others who are present at the ceremony.  

In 1917, after 24 years of study, Hosteen Klah performed his first Nighway Ceremony (Yeibichai). The nine-day ceremony was perfect in chant, symbol, and ceremony and established him as a great singer.

In 1911 Hosteen Klah wove a blanket of yeibichai dancers which portrayed sacred masks. Local singers felt that this was sacrilegious and demanded that Klah have a ceremony to expel the evil and that he destroy the weaving. Instead, Klah sent the weaving to Washington and experienced no negative effects.

In 1917 Klah took Franc Newcomb, a trader’s wife, to a Nightway ceremony. After the ceremony, she attempted to draw from memory the designs from the sandpaintings which were used in the ceremony. She was unsuccessful and Klah sketched them for her in pencil. Newcomb then made these into watercolor reproductions and hung them in her bedroom so that the other Navajo would not be offended. After seeing that no punishment occurred, Klah then did an additional 27 paintings for her.

In 1919 Klah began to weave sandpainting rugs which were based on the chants he was qualified to sing. His first sandpainting weaving was a whirling log design from the Nightway ceremony.

Klah’s last sandpainting weaving, The Skies from the Shootingway ceremony, was done in 1937 and was not complete at the time of his death. The work was finished by his nieces, Gladys and Irene Manuelito.

Over the years, Klah worked with a number of non-Indian scholars and allowed them to record his songs, ceremonies, stories, and sandpaintings. His only Navajo student – Beaal Begay – died suddenly in 1931 and so much of his knowledge was not passed on in the traditional Navajo way.

One of the Anglos who worked with Klah was Mary Cabot Wheelwright (introduction through the Newcombs) who founded the Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art in 1937.  She had been permitted to record many of Klah’s songs and erected the museum to preserve his medicine knowledge and his sacred objects.

The museum is now known as the Wheelwright Museum.  The Museum displays many of his drawings and paintings of sand paintings, as well as his sandpainting weavings. The Wheelwright is no longer actively involved in the study of Navajo religion, however it maintains growing, world-renowned collections that document Navajo art and culture from 1850 to the present. It also presents changing exhibitions on traditional and contemporary Navajo and other Native American arts.  

Hastiin Klah with one of his sandpainting tapestries at the Newcomb’s trading post, Navajo, New Mexico, ca. 1927. 
Photograph probably by Arthur or Frances Newcomb. Hosteen Klah (Hastiin Tłʼa, 1867–1937)